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Flower Cafe, Kabul, HELO.

Fiction:

Hopelessly Missing

Scribes  |  Aleksandr Katso, Dec-Feb 2010

For "Slavoj Zizek Thinks Stalin May Have Been Right...and Other Book Reviews," please scroll down.

www.Helo-Magazine.com 

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Although HELO Magazine specializes in nonfiction, we offer here our very first fiction story. This tale by Aleksandr Katso fits the issue because it takes a very realist look back at the Chechen Wars, perhaps getting as close to the emotional truth as one can get.

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The visitors’ room, where parents looking for their sons congregated, was around sixteen square meters with a lone window facing the courtyard. In the middle was a big metal table with chairs of all shapes and sizes and a plastic tablecloth. Five metal bunk beds stood against dilapidated walls so at full capacity the room offered shelter to ten people. The residents were a constant mix: men and women from an ever-changing collection of visitors, with the exception of three permanently based retirees. Most took vacation time or personal days from work and spent their last savings in hopes of a miracle.

Miracles were a rarity but on those occasions became the lore that gave future visitors faith and hope that their children will eventually be found. The unofficial room monitor was Vera Petrovna, a grey-haired lean woman who looked like she was approaching sixty years of age. In her prior life she was an accountant at a local municipal office, but was now retired and spending her second year in Chechnya with no end to her stay in sight. Her daughter was a schoolteacher, while her son, an army lieutenant, was wounded in combat and listed as MIA.

Vera Petrovna went through hell and was now a full-time resident of the “purgatory” as she herself called her quarters. The news of her son’s disappearance turned her life upside down. Things that were previously clear and obvious took on vague, almost mythical dimensions. The army prosecutors filed a case in relation to her son’s status, but things completely stalled after that. The case itself consisted of a single sheet of paper - the field report filed by the unit’s commander. Other than that the military could add nothing of value. Time flew, the case was at a stand-still, and Vera Petrovna with her husband began to realize that they had become a case for a popular Russian aphorism – a drowning victim is his own best chance.

They were received at the Ministry of Defense, where they were handed down from office to office, finally hinting that the government is not all that concerned in recovering rank-and-file MIAs. They would be better off working with non-profit groups who have better resources and connections to deal with these cases. NPGs offered more practicality and compassion, especially the Mothers of Soldiers Committee, but even there they were offered little help. Each case was individual, their resources were slim and wealthy benefactors prefer to invest their money into pop starlets and publicity events rather than presumed corpses. They did come upon some good fortune:

The MSC secretary told them that the Committee was expected to meet with the president and Vera Petrovna and her husband were welcome to attend. The meeting actually took place, but was as expected entirely scripted by the President’s administrative office. Based on the scenario drawn up in advance, the secretary was to approach the President as he was exiting from church service during a major Orthodox holiday and personally give a list of MIA cases in front of the cameras. The rest of the women were to provide backup vocals in the crowd along the lines of “Help us Boris Nikolayevich, nobody cares about us anymore…”

As previously scripted, the presidents’ security detail allowed the secretary to step up to the president with the cameras ready to capture every moment.

“Boris Nikolayevich,” started the secretary. “I would like to hand you this petition from the Mothers of Soldiers Committee.”

“I am at your service,” replied the president.

“Boris Nikolayevich, help us find our missing kids. We are beating our heads against the wall and the results are the same. The military won’t let us enter areas of combat. We don’t have nearly enough money for ransom. We bear children for the Motherland, send them off young and healthy into the army, which as it turns out has no use or regard for them as soon as they are captured or wounded.”

“That’s shameful,” stated the president. “Let me have your list. I will make sure that each case is dealt with individually. The government must be responsible for the wellbeing of its soldiers. Tell all mothers throughout our great country that the president will take this matter under his personal control.”

Shortly after, the initial euphoria was replaced by common sense and understanding of the mechanism of the bureaucracy. The president scored points with voters at the polls, while the military officials that inherited these cases simply let them gather dust.

“War is a terrible thing madam. Who even knows where these bandits are hiding these boys, not to mention if they are even alive…”

Vera Petrovna’s husband was not made for such emotional stress and succumbed to a heart attack shortly after. The women turned out to be tougher, and for several years in a row she was going through the familiar motions, collecting bits of information, becoming a familiar, almost welcomed figure at the military base. She was able to get access to captured Chechen fighters before they were sent off to military interrogations. Who would ever volunteer information after being left alone in a room with an MP?

On top of that, she managed to create a semblance of a union between Russian and Chechen mothers. The women trade photos and info, which led to the safe return of seven Chechens and three Russians to their families. It may not seem like much, but the benefits were beyond the numbers. It was important to show everyone that there was something to gain when people cooperate with noble intentions, irrespective of their side behind the barbed wire.

Every new arrival to the “purgatory” was met like a good acquaintance and was immediately surrounded by the residents’ compassion and concern. Those who returned for the second or third time found themselves right at home. Common grief united everybody. Every successful reunification sparked massive celebrations and numerous invitations from the happy parents to visit them on the “mainland,” even stay with them permanently.

One couple found each other, a lonely man and an ecstatic woman lingering on for several days amidst celebrations after locating her son. Both were divorced, but came together here among mutual joy and dread, as well as religion. One is never left alone here with his or her misery. They were immediately absorbed into the daily flow of life. First priority, of course, is the information collection about the missing offspring, culminating in daily trips to the bulletin board, a wall of a collapsed building near the base.

Based on a mutual agreement between Chechen and Russian women, all new leads were posted there. All negotiations were conducted and meeting scheduled there as well. Somebody from the room always kept watch by the board a few hours a day. Others cleaned and cooked based on a set schedule. Some even volunteer at the hospital to tend to the wounded. There was enough work to keep everybody involved. Alas, war was war, and the routine was frequently interrupted by its constant reminders. A soldiers’ body was brought in for identification. A load of wounded without medical personnel to receive them.

Journalists and high-ranking generals caused commotion, too. Before, the generals were always reminded of the President’s promise, but that ceased as time went by. The president’s term and the people’s faith ran out pretty much simultaneously. Now conversations with the higher ranks were more direct, with the tone and nature of each request corresponding to the rank and ability to pull the strings of each officer.

The Chechens are willing to barter lives, but refuse to do one-for-one exchanges. There are far fewer of them and as such the price of each Russian in captivity should be higher. On the other hand, Russian politicians and generals seek to avoid negotiations and exchanges at all costs. Last year, several men of the higher rank from the MOD Special Forces were captured, - colonel, major, lieutenant, - and the Chechens were willing to trade each for ten civilians detained by the military. Ultimatums were made, dates scheduled and rescheduled, but the military stood firm. No amount of pleading by wives and parents, even publicly on “Radio Liberty,” evoked any reaction. All the soldiers perished and to what benefit?

Evening in the “purgatory” led to long discussions late into the night. Some staked out behind the dinner table. Some listened intently from their bunks. When a bottle was opened, everybody gathered around. Drinking was never done for the sake of drinking, but there were always causes to pop the lid: birthdays, holidays, new arrival greetings and farewell sendoffs. In the end, all conversation centered on the same topic: The missing kids. With slight variations every now and then, the same words were recycled over and over:

“Shevchuk’s songs are right on: Motherland – Don’t Bother Land.”

“Doesn’t matter who is in charge, Communists or these current jokers. Everybody makes loads of promises when elections roll around, but go try to find any official to live up to them after the polls close and everybody points you to the office next to theirs.”

“These human rights representatives are a sight to look at also. It’s painfully obvious how they are there to showcase to the West that we are all civil and democratic, while in reality they are the same low-level clerks with even less say.”

“They could have created an office for prisoner exchanges a long time ago if anybody had the slightest desire. With money and authority…”

“There is a stretch if I ever saw one, - all they can do is make money land in their pockets fresh from our backs."

“We could put Petrovna in charge. She is always fair and square.”

“Yes, that will happen. I’d like to see them let an outsider, an honest one at that, get authority and control over federal funds. With our free press and media and all. Berezovsky and Gusinsky might have been Jews, but spoke the truth after all.”

“And where are they now? Their noses aren’t clean either. They should’ve stayed in their place like Abramovich. Maybe they would have lived here now. Khodorkovsky also stole a pretty penny, but question our dear government and that’s what you get.”

“So why did he go to jail instead of leaving? He wanted justice, so now he is stuck with it.”

“As if Russians didn’t steal anything? Chernomyrdin, Vyakhirev, Yeltsin, that whole clique… It’s just that Jews want fame on top of the money, while ours prefer to fatten up away from prying eyes. I read about Putin too. He isn’t as clean as he comes across."

“Obviously! Who’d let him anywhere near the Kremlin any other way? The tree, it starts rotting from the roots. The bottoms look to the top for example. Even at our base the main headache is hot to score some cash, sell some gas, some weapons and uniforms, some peddle rations…Meanwhile, the soldiers’ salaries are unpaid for months. How does that work? That money is spinning through some banks probably.”

Eventually somebody will whip the old guitar and an old moody folk song will gather everybody together, tired after the same unending dialogue and ready to help out in the chorus.

“It’s a shame that Nina took Semyon home,” added Vera Petrovna, disappointed. “The guitar had a soul in the boys’ hands.”

“It’s okay. God willing they’ll come back over on their next week off. Their kid is still somewhere out here.”

Life in the “purgatory” is truly communal, frequently supplemented by additional supplies brought from home by returning residents. There simply could not be any other way. Solitude and self-reliance would not stand a chance. It had always been more productive to think up of solutions and ideas as a group.

When left on their own, people were usually overcome with tears and thoughts of their missing loved ones. The group wrote several letters to various politicians, ministers, journalists and businessmen. That sort of effort never ceased. Society’s door will forever be closed until you knock on it. Besides the routine attempts for publicity, some ideas generated have been out of the realm of fantasy. One person suggested a nationwide work stoppage or a hunger strike by women all across Russia. (How to publicize such an event was never really explained.)

“They’ll start a case on you as soon as you speak up. If not, they’ll throw you behind bars from the start, or better yet into a mental institution. We can all be brave and loud behind these walls amongst ourselves. Try to go up against a suit or a uniform and they’ll twist your neck off in a split second.”

“What do we have to lose? Is this any way to live, stuck here like moles without ever seeing daylight or any real prospects? Whoever finds luck has no time for others like us. As long we keep thinking only about our own skins, they’ll keep treating us like cattle. This little group is a blessing. Every time I come here it feels like a holiday.”

“It is true; grief brought us together, but happiness moves us apart. How can that be?”

“That’s because we don’t have faith in anything or anybody any more, neither our rulers nor the country that they steer.”

“So why do we vote for them? It’s our own fault.”

“As if anybody is voting for them. Now scoring votes is a form of art as it is. Even with all the falsifications, 60% of the population turned out to vote, and of those they took 60% of the votes. Multiply that and it turns out 36% of the population seemingly voted for them, while in reality it is probably closer to 25%. So whom exactly do they represent like that? Americans helped the Georgians to organize fair elections and Shevardnadze didn’t even get 5% of the votes after always posting 70% in prior years.”

“I doubt anybody would help us. Russia is not Georgia. I think we are stuck in this mess for a while. It’s a shame there is no such thing as reincarnation.”

“I heard there is a new Messiah proclaiming his arrival somewhere in Siberia.”

“Is he some nut with too much time on his hands!?”

“Don’t know for sure, but people I know say it’s the second coming of Christ and all believers find shelter under his wings regardless of wealth, age of nationality. If you are a true believer – come one, come all and stay as long as you want.”

“I’ve seen too many of these prophets in my time, except life is still the same as it ever was.”

“One of my neighbors found out about this and decided to take a trip and check that place out. Came back, sold her apartment and is about to move out there for good.”

“Is that right? What kind of sweet life are they preaching there?”

“The sweet life of people living and working together as one, almost like us here but in bigger numbers. People come even from different countries. The same woman that one Jewish dame went to visit her kids in the States, even getting help from the government every month. Couldn’t stomach it, came back, sold her place and bolted to that very same place in Siberia. She also said that things are kept clean and civil. They grow their own food, clean air, clean water, love and peace all around.”

“Almost like a fairy tale.”

“Practically is one. As if we can wait on anybody up the ladder to arrange something of this sort.”

“Maybe the middle from a bagel or an MIA notices at best.”

“Maybe we should go out there after all? What do we have to lose? I just want to live like a normal person for a few moments. Do me a favor and send me the address of that place.”

“You all can do what you want, my heart will be here until I find my son - dead or alive.”

Another “purgatory”-bred idea was to organize an anti-war march together with Chechen women across Chechnya and then across Russia. The idea was given a lot of thought and discussion, but a consensus was never reached. There were too many ifs and buts to deal with.

First, enough people were needed to prevent the march from being covered up or forbidden, but there is way too much work involved in getting masses together, especially hidden from the authorities until all was ready. They find out and the organizers will have to watch their back for the rest of their lives. Every single person needs to be talked with individually. Can’t go to a public official or a journalist. Even the Mothers of Soldiers Committee had somebody from the police in its ranks. They are more afraid of there own people than of the terrorists.

Second, where would the money come from? Can’t reach out to anybody wealthy. Businessmen won’t go against the government they raised and fed. Third, nobody had the energy or the emotional capacity to go through with a project of this scale after all they went through and have seen here. The idea just hung in the air and evaporated, even though everybody considered it worthwhile.

At the end of March there was a noticeable spike in activity at the base. Supposedly some high ranking official, perhaps even the President, was scheduled to arrive for a visit. Nobody knew anything precise, not even the base commander or possibly even the regional commander. Everything was repainted, cleaned and secured. Vera Petrovna was officially told that she would be getting an award from the government and to get a speech ready, but one no longer than three minutes.

“They can stick their award where the sun don’t shine,” was her initial decline to the invitation for the spectacle.

“Come on Vera. You have to go. Screw them all, but at least we can open more doors with a medal,” People were reassuring her.

“I don’t know why most of you are here, but I am here because I feel I am needed. I doubt I’ll ever find my boy, but at least I can help others in my shoes. I’ll find a way to leave this life as soon as I feel that I am not making a difference, or maybe visit the newly baked Jesus in Siberia. I just won’t take part in their shows for the cameras.”

She never went, even though it was the Minister of Defense that showed up at the base. She picked up the medal at the headquarters later on. Nobody scolded her and a clerk simply said:

“Take your medal and leave.”

Thanks for that at least.

 

HELO

www.Helo-Magazine.com

 

 

 

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Slavoj Žižek thinks Stalin May Have Been Right... and other book reviews

Scribes  |  HELO, Oct-Nov 2009

www.Helo-Magazine.com 

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Reviewed here

 

The McSweeney’s Joke Book of Book Jokes

If you want to take a package of laughs with you on a journey, The McSweeney’s Joke Book of Book Jokes is a good bet. The tone leans toward grad school literary culture and some of the stories are one-joke sketches told a bit long, but there are also some hilarious works here. In fact, I don’t need to describe them. You’ll get the feel just by reading some of the titles.

My favorite short is this one: “Social Security Denies Gregor Samsa’s Disability Claim” by Alex St. Andrews.

“The Decision on GREGOR SAMSA’s case,” it reads. “You listed the following impairment(s) on your SSI application: I AM A GIGANTIC COCKROACH. DEPRESSION. BACKPAIN…”

Another quick favorite is “Dateline: To Catch a Predator: Humbert Humbert” by Jeff Barnosky.

If you’ve seen Chris Hanson entrap suspected statutory rapists on television AND read Nabokov’s Lolita, then this one is a riot. Other shorts include:

“Klingon Fairy Tales”, “Feedback from James Joyce’s Submission of Ullyses to His Creative Writing Workshop,” “Ikea Products or Lord of the Rings Character?,” “Tales of Erotica: Chuck Norris and Me,” and more.

 

Tristes Tropique

Legendary structural anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss helped to bring his field into popular literature with this book, so it’s worth an admiring look back. He documents a rich, if colonialesque, cultural tour from Sao Paolo, Brazil, up the Amazon into the indigenous areas of the country in a personal narrative which is easy to follow.

Levi-Strauss describes the Caduveo, Bororo, Nambikwara and Tupi-Kawahib people in color detail. And you have to love his opening line: “I hate travelling and explorers…” He declares that he didn’t wish to write a travelogue which seeks to impress, but prefers to list the facts and artifacts of culture he found.

He looks back on when he first entered anthropology in the 1930s at the University of Paris having little knowledge of Brazil then how he got transferred to Sao Paolo in 1934. From there, he committed years to mapping the socio-cultural environment of much of South America’s Amazon basin. A great read for the hammock or the train, it’s dense with plot, esoteric detail and nuance.   

 

In Defense of Lost Causes

Slavoj Žižek says Stalin may have been right. When I got down to his talk at Cooper Union in New York where he was presenting his new book, First as Tragedy, then as Farce, I wanted to confront him about his last book, In Defense of Lost Causes.

In IDLC, Žižek first argues that to humanize evil men by illuminating their soft, mundane side—for example, describing Milošević talking to his wife before accepting his arrest for war crimes—was disingenuous of a writer. Then he proceeds to explain how Stalin’s total control of the Soviet Union, despite his blood-letting, may have prevented a worse fate for the Soviet Union and maybe even “saved the world.”

IDLC is a thick, challenging book. But if you’re in a hut in the Congo or on a beach in Bali re-extending your attention span, it works as well as anything from Foucault, Sartre, Arendt, or Sontag. Reading him can make you feel smart and stupid at the same time. The man himself, in interviews, appears to be a sweetheart.

Žižek takes on many topics, like criticism of Heidegger who, while close with Jewish political theorist Hannah Arendt, pledged allegiance to the Nazis as she and his contemporaries fled or were detained. The theorist also touches on Mao, Hollywood, and his colleague, Badiou.

On Stalin, the author describes how the Soviet Union’s circle of leadership included a lesser known but powerful alternative clique that may have taken over, if Stalin had not. These bio-politicians and social Darwinists, he claims, wanted to re-design humans in vast totalitarian structural experiments. They wanted to forge by fire happier, more productive humans, to speed up evolution, but to create better workers, not necessarily a better quality of life.

Stalin, on the other hand, just wanted bigger city squares with huge statues of poets Pushkin and Shevchenko, escalators which broke world records, steel mills, and missiles. While Stalin was like a mafia man, loving his allies and killing off dissenters, the social engineers who would have taken over if he had not, the author points out, would have turned the Soviet Union into a Stepford worker factory.

See, this is how Žižek gets you. He asks you to consider a perspective which from the onset is objectionable. A good exercise for your mind. But I suspect the crazy village wanderers and radicals in college towns who read only the passage above are twisting his words all out of nuanced precision.

As it happened, as Žižek would want it to happen perhaps, I arrived at Cooper union not to find a deserted hall peppered with old, wild-eyed guys talking on hotdog buns they thought were cell phones, but instead a hoard of people from intellectuals to NYU-types to curious book-a-holics in a line that stretched around Astor Place.

At Cooper Union, a girl walked up to the guy ahead of me in line. “Who’s talking?” “A philosopher, Slavoj Žižek,” he told her. “Sick!” she says, but in a good way, wandering off. He laughs and turns to me. “He’s one of maybe three philosophers in the world with celebrity status.”

The woman behind me let me know I was in the wrong line, if I hadn’t bought tickets yet. Shit. I had to climb over garbage bags to find the second line which  keeps going and going. I end up by The Village Voice, at the fence where the NYU people chain their bikes. A motorcycle guy stops by the line.

“Who’s speaking?” “Žižek.” “Who?” “Žižek.” “Who?” “A Philosopher.” He zooms off. One girl mopes about not coming early. Now she’s going to miss the talk. Who knew the event would be swamped? Another guy says, “I just hope it’s in English.”     

And so I was not to be able to go in and challenge Žižek in person. As the leading contrarian of our day (take that, Hitchens), Žižek would probably celebrate that I would likely learn more grumbling with other people who were not allowed in than if I had attended and asked him questions. I would read deeper into his work now and find points to criticize. I wandered down to the McNally Jackson Books in Soho, made a nice pile of texts, and then cut back into IDLC.

Žižek brings me back to my time in Eastern Europe. He’s Slovenian, by the way. This wild conjecture about Stalin takes me back to painful culture shock moments in the Former Soviet Union and Former Yugoslavia. Could anyone have done a worse job at transforming Russia than Stalin, really?

Žižek backs the argument for reconsidering Stalin’s role by claiming that Stalin saved the “humanity” of the Soviet Union partly by mainstreaming classic Russian culture. He writes: “The Stalinist terror of the 1930’s was a humanist terror: its adherence to a “humanist” core was not what constrained its horror, it was what sustained it…”

What if, he asks, it was Stalin’s protection of pure, loyal culture (at the cost of the lives of the opposition) which “saved the world” by keeping the launch codes in the hands of people who were committed to protecting their new society and its classic traditions, when the bio-politicians may not have been so “humane.” Believe me, Žižek makes the argument well, if not absolutely convincing.

He presents new and marginalized viewpoints not necessarily because he believes them, but because he wants to remind us about how we sometimes block out alternative viewpoints because of what they look like on the surface or because they threaten to undermine our current understanding of the world.

 

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Here is Žižek in entertaining true life, and reasonable, on Icelandic television.

 

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HELO

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HELO: The Crisis Story Magazine
New York, NY 10025
United States